https://ri.ufs.br/jspui/handle/riufs/2483 2026-04-30T18:21:30Z https://ri.ufs.br/jspui/handle/riufs/24916 Título: Junho de 2013 continuado por outros meios: os movimentos de renovação política e a institucionalização do engajamento cívico no Brasil contemporâneo Autor(es): Barbosa, Saulo Vinicius Souza Abstract: This doctoral thesis examines the social and political conditions underlying the processes of legitimation and institutionalization of civic engagement in contemporary Brazil. It focuses on the case of RenovaBR, the most prominent among the organizations known as “Political Renewal Movements” (PRM). These initiatives emerged largely in response to the critical juncture that followed the June 2013 contention cycle . In this context, the research analyzes the social backgrounds and associative ties of the 118 candidates supported by RenovaBR in the 2018 elections, seeking to understand how, in the wake of post-2013 political opportunities, the organization worked to redirect its members’ civic engagement toward representative institutions through electoral participation. The analysis unfolds across three complementary axes. The first reconstructs the historical conditions that enabled the emergence of the PRM – especially RenovaBR – highlighting how they were shaped through the discursive appropriation of the legitimacy crisis affecting Brazil’s political system. The second investigates the social trajectories and political agenda of the 2018 Renova candidates’, linking them to ideas and actors that surfaced during the 2013 cycle of mobilizations. The third maps the ties between these candidacies and civil society organizations, revealing how political renewal is structured through specific associative circuits. Drawing from this analytical framework, the thesis argues that political renewal groups reframed diffuse and contentious criticisms of the political system and the state – articulated between 2013 and 2016 – into a project of institutional occupation. In doing so, the so-called “renewers” mobilized technical competencies, connections to organized civil society, and the discourse of political professionalization as strategies for public legitimation. The study further shows that, on the one hand, such initiatives can be interpreted as responses to the crisis of representation and the closure of the Brazilian party system, as recognized in existing literature. On the other hand, it demonstrates that, despite their rhetoric of inclusion of the “ordinary citizen” in politics, these organizations are grounded in a selective ecology of civil society actors, primarily linking middle- and upper-class participation and associative networks to non-hegemonic center and right-wing political parties. Finally, the dissertation contributes to the scholarly agenda on the outcomes of collective action by proposing that the PRM be understood as institutional legacies of the 2013 protest cycle – translating social demands into non-contentious repertoires of institutional engagement. In this sense, the emergence of these groups is interpreted as an attempt by specific sectors of civil society to continue the political impulse of June 2013 by other means. 2025-08-29T00:00:00Z https://ri.ufs.br/jspui/handle/riufs/23058 Título: De banzo e de esperança: contranarrativa teológica afrodiaspórica nas músicas do álbum Missa dos Quilombos Autor(es): Andrade, Charlisson Silva de Abstract: In 1982, the singer and songwriter Milton Nascimento released the album called “Missa dos Quilombos”, named after the liturgical event that had taken place a few months earlier, in Recife, for which the repertoire of the record was specially created. Its theme lies in the articulation between a Catholic rite and a symbol of a Black social and political organization against colonization and racism, which also refers to a memory of slavery. In this sense, the songs suggest the existence of a Black identity that is crossed by the Christian devotion and at the same time politically compromised with the anti-racist fight. Assuming that the work in question not only reproduces but proactively contributes to the social and religious imaginary of the Black Christian and anti-racist community, my general aim is to analyze the album “Missa dos Quilombos”, seeking to identify the discourses conveyed through music that potentially generate an Afro-diasporic theological counternarrative resulting from the articulations between the anti-racist fight and the Christian messages. In order to carry out this analysis, I turn primarily to the British sociologist Paul Gilroy and his theoretical elaboration of the Black Atlantic, considering the cross-cultural and transnational formation of social and cultural Afro-diasporic experience. Initially, I tried to locate the record “Missa dos Quilombos” in the Black Atlantic circuit, connecting the work to similar subjects and narratives from a variety of historical contexts, especially in the post-abolition period. After that, I investigated the process of composition of the album in question, analyzing its importance and its Afro- diasporic, cultural and political aspects, considering the relation of its musical repertoire to the social context of the immediately preceding period and its circulation in the following years in the Brazilian society and in the transnational circuit. Lastly, I examined the music tracks in “Missa dos Quilombos”, emphasizing the production of an Afro-diasporic theological anti- racist and anti-colonial counternarrative, that anticipates some elements and assumptions of Black Brazilian theological reflection. 2025-06-27T00:00:00Z https://ri.ufs.br/jspui/handle/riufs/22807 Título: Em nome das redes: família, amizades políticas e alianças em Sergipe Autor(es): Santos, Pâmella Synthia Santana Abstract: This dissertation analyzed the relation between professional politics, family resources, and political groupings with the case of state and federal deputies who were elected in 2014 and 2018 in the Sergipe state. Not only was the question of a specific resource as a legitimator brought to discussion, but also a collaborative that enables the insertion and success in professional politics through family-based networks. Thus, the specific goals revolved around a) analyzing the social history of family groupings in politics in Sergipe to understand the political dynamics; b) to examine the conditions that allow these groups and families to perpetuate themselves in politics; c) to analyze how the networks between the groups of the state countryside were formed and found; d) to understand the state parties configuration according to the relations networks; e) to analyze the changes experienced in the countryside municipalities through the party impact; f) to understand the incorporation of political heritage through marriage or sponsorship; finally, g) to identify elements that made possible the development of the political career of the actors in question. The methodological elements consisted of: complete survey of information through CPDOC, Assembly websites, Chamber, Senate, personal websites, etc.; deepening study of families of these actors through the social history of family politics issue in Sergipe; and reading the data related to political recompositions in the state through TRE-SE and TSE1 ; In this way, this dissertation is divided into four chapters: the first addressed the theoretical orientations about the conceptualizations of "family", "groupings" and "professional politics"; the second chapter searched aimed to make a socio-historical rescue of politics groups in Sergipe from the oligarchies until the 2010s; the third chapter analyzed the political-party representativeness in the 8 Sergipe territories; finally, the fourth chapter discussed the logic and patterns of recruitment, how the family resource is mobilized by the actors in favor of family-based groups and networks and how this allows the construction of a political-professional self. The thesis of this research shows the logic of grouping and parties must be taken into account, then, in the Sergipe’s case, the concentration of parties in certain groups is a crucial strategy for the networks' maintenance, thus starting from the city level to the state level. In addition, when recruiting from within the groups themselves, dependency and party loyalty is greater, which gives less autonomy, or reduced freedom in the choice of different opportunities, for the parliamentarian to direct his career. Therefore, this reduced autonomy ends up becoming a guaranteed support, since the feeling of adhesion and belonging is still a characteristic of the groups, mainly in the municipalities. When done in a reverse way, it runs the risk of destabilizing the group's structure and hence not contributing to its maintenance in political power. This only reaffirms that the policy made within this dynamic cannot be calculated by the actors, but strategies must be constructed to glimpse these eventualities, always considering the benefits and harms inserting someone who does not come from the networks already built. In this way, it was possible to identify the political recomposition of Sergipe that has been detaching itself from the image of old traditional families and building a kind of “new-old family-based networks” with new actors, but with renewed groups that previously did not have so much state highlight.; Cette thèse a analysé la relation entre la politique professionnelle, les ressources familiales et les groupements politiques en ayant comme cas les députés fédéraux et d'État élus en 2014 et 2018 dans l'État de Sergipe. Il a été mis en question pas seulement un recours spécifique comme validateur, mais aussi un ensemble qui permet l'insertion et la réussite dans la politique professionnelle à travers les réseaux familiaux. Ainsi, les objectifs spécifiques ont tourné autour de a) analyser l'histoire sociale des groupements familiaux dans la politique à Sergipe afin de comprendre la dynamique politique ; b) examiner les conditions qui permettent à ces groupements et à ces familles de se perpétuer dans la politique ; c) analyser la façon dont les réseaux se sont formés et se trouvent parmi les groupes des municipalités de l'intérieur de l'État ; d) comprendre la configuration des partis de l'État en fonction des réseaux de relations ; e) analyser les changements vécus dans les municipalités de l'Intérieur par le biais de l'impact des partis ; f) comprendre l'incorporation de l'héritage politique par le mariage ou le parrainage ; enfin, g) identifier les éléments qui ont permis le développement de la carrière politique de ces acteurs. Les éléments méthodologiques ont consisté à : un sondage complet d'informations par le biais du CPDOC, des sites web de l'Assemblée, de la Chambre, du Sénat, des sites web personnels, etc.; l'approfondissement de l'étude des familles de ces acteurs à travers l'histoire sociale de la question familiale en politique à Sergipe ; et la lecture des données concernant les recompositions politiques dans l'Etat à travers le TRE-SE et le TSE ; De cette façon, cette Thèse est divisée en quatre chapitres : le premier a abordé les orientations théoriques à propos des concepts de "famille", "groupements" et "politique professionnelle" ; le deuxième chapitre a cherché à faire un recul socio-historique de la politique des groupes à Sergipe depuis les oligarchies jusqu'aux années 2010 ; le troisième chapitre a analysé la représentativité politique partisane dans les 8 territoires de Sergipe ; enfin, le quatrième chapitre a parlé de la logique et les modèles de recrutement, la manière dont les ressources familiales sont mobilisées par les acteurs en faveur des regroupements et des réseaux de base familiale et comment cela permet la construction d'une image politique-professionnel. La thèse de cette recherche montre que la logique du groupement et des partis politiques doit être prise en considération, puisque, dans le cas de Sergipe, la concentration des partis dans certains groupes est placée comme une stratégie cruciale pour le maintien des réseaux, en partant ainsi du niveau municipal vers le niveau de l'État. En outre, quand les recrutements se font au sein des groupes eux-mêmes, la dépendance et la loyauté à l'égard des partis sont plus grandes, ce qui donne moins d'autonomie, ou bien une liberté réduite dans le choix de possibilités distinctes, au parlementaire pour orienter sa carrière. Ainsi, cette moindre autonomie finit par devenir un soutien garanti, car le sentiment d’adhésion et d'appartenance est encore une caractéristique des groupes, surtout à partir de la municipalité. Quand on le fait de manière inverse, on risque de déstabiliser la structure du groupe et donc, de ne pas contribuer à son maintien au pouvoir politique. Cela ne fait que réaffirmer que la politique faite dans cette dynamique ne peut être quelque chose de calculé par les acteurs, mais qu'il faut construire des stratégies pour entrevoir ces éventualités, en pesant toujours les avantages et les inconvénients de l'insertion de quelqu'un qui ne vient pas déjà des réseaux déjà construits. De cette façon, il a été possible d'identifier la recomposition politique de Sergipe qui se détache de l'image des vieilles familles traditionnelles et qui construit une sorte de "nouveau- vieux réseau de base familiale" avec de nouveaux acteurs, mais avec les groupes renouvelés qui, auparavant, n'avaient pas autant de poids dans l'État. 2020-05-29T00:00:00Z https://ri.ufs.br/jspui/handle/riufs/22685 Título: Dívida pública, de uma solução à um problema: a política da técnica Autor(es): Coelho, Maria Teresa Ruas Coelho Abstract: How does public debt become a problem? This thesis offers a sociological answer to this question. As the sociology of public problems, the sociology of translation and Foucault's genealogical problematization teach us, problems do not arise spontaneously, nor do they have a problematic nature. Something becomes a problem to the extent that an active effort of problematization is made by the interested parties. The emergence of a problem requires the creation of its own nomenclature, the definition of causes, solutions, culprits and victims. It involves disputes for the power to dictate these definitions to a collectivity, as well as power asymmetries between the disputants. It comprises a network of socio-technical relationships, which associates engaged actors and devices in an audience. Problems are therefore produced from social and essentially political processes. Analyzing the Brazilian case, this work reconstructs the problematization of public debt in the context of its financialization. Starting from 1964, the year in which the domestic public debt market was created in Brazil, I follow the emergence of debt as a problem in the narratives of the relevant actors and in the media exposure of this economic device. The public debt was born as a solution to the problem of non-inflationary financing of the public deficit, in the context of the establishment of the military dictatorship. To the extent that the first signs of crisis of this positive view of state indebtedness appear, the efforts to define the debt problem in a technical way express the effort to remove the political and public character from both the management of the problem and its definition. The analysis ends in 2002, when it is already possible to identify the predominance of the definition according to which the proportion of debt in relation to GDP is considered problematic. 2025-02-28T00:00:00Z